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Political Reform

The Government intends to hold a constitutional referendum on the day of the general election. This is a big undertaking.

Why not try a smaller undertaking in the same field; political reform?

Why not extend the postal vote provided for in Section 63 of the Electoral Act 1997 to recent emigrants? People emigrating within 24 months of the election might meet the needs of the situation.

They could vote, not in a Garda Station, but in an embassy or a consulate or even a UK or Canadian police station.

The proposal needs urgent attention; the register of postal voters needs to be urgently up-dated.

Go to it Mr. Cowen!

Cooking

Some of us, in Dublin, are buying books now, and connecting with the past as we do so, it feels.

One book to catch my eye is The Checklist Manifesto: How to Get Things Right, by Atul Gawande. My enthusiasm fell away when I found no checklist in the book. My fault; the book is a Manifesto, after all. But should Dr. Gawande not have demonstrated the value of checklists, as opposed to asserting it?

He does refer to the use of checklists in the Warren Buffet Berkshire organization. Now my enthusiasm for checklists began to falter. One of Buffet’s lists asks the researchers to confirm that they have read the footnotes in the latest sets of published accounts of the target company. Hmm.

A checklist is an algorithm; so, too, is a cookery recipe and we all know, or should know, of the value of those.

Lawyers are convinced of the value of checklists, but they are not as centralised as the medical profession is, to get the full benefit of them.

Even so, we should not forget that Taoiseach Brian Cowen and Minister for Finance Brian Lenihan are both lawyers (and it doesn’t get more centralised than where they are) and there is, or was, (this writer thinks) no checklist in the world that would have prevented them from wrecking the Irish economy.

The Credit Institutions (Stabilisation) Act 2010

The President has signed the Credit Institutions (Stabilisation) Bill into law. She clearly recognised that it might be unconstitutional, in part at least. That is the explanation for her convening the Council of State to advise her on the issue of referring the Bill to the Supreme Court, to rule on its unconstitutionality [under Article 26 of the Constitution].

She has decided not to refer it to the Supreme Court. She signed it into law.

There are advantages and disadvantages to this course. Affected persons or institutions can challenge it in the courts. Under the reference procedure, an affected person will not be able to challenge a law on grounds of unconstitutionality. This arises from the fact that the reference procedure precedes the bringing of an Act into force and no cause of action can subsist until this happens. Following the reference procedure no claim will be entertained that an Act is unconstitutional because the Act has been “cleared” by the Supreme Court.

Arguably, an affected person can bring the better challenge to an Act than can be brought in the reference procedure.

However, if there is no independent-minded person to challenge an Act it will remain unchallenged and will have the full force of law.

Possibly, that is the fate of the Credit Institutions (Stabilisation) Act 2010.

Who imagines, for instance, Allied Irish Banks plc, a likely candidate for being an “affected person”, mounting a legal challenge to the operation of the Act? It is, effectively, controlled by the Government.

No, the real legitimus contradictor was the Oireachtas. It, too, is controlled by the Government and is incapable of mounting a challenge.

POSTSCRIPT:

Well, I was wrong. See this report from the Irish Times. l It may well be that the media will represent the public interest. Indeed, it will represent the interests of the judiciary; it is not in Ireland’s interests that the Judicial arm of the State be swallowed in the morass that Fianna Fail and the Progressive Democrats have created. We now know that barristers and solicitors are very poor judges of economic and financial matters. They (barristers) are the pool from which the judiciary are drawn. Why should they think they are superior?

Death of a Solicitor

Clients may have a variety of difficulties with a solicitor. (See HERE on the topic of changing solicitors).

What if the solicitor dies?

What will happen to your litigation, say?

Possibly, nothing adverse. If your solicitor was in a partnership, another partner will continue running the action. (This might be a benefit rather than a disadvantage; not all solicitors are talented).

If your solicitor was a sole practitioner you are in trouble. You will need to change solicitors. (Strictly speaking, this is untrue; on the death of your sole practitioner solicitor you do not have a solicitor). You will need to find a new solicitor.

That solicitor will need to negotiate the transfer of the file. This might be straightforward or it might not be. See HERE about solicitors’ liens.

Once possession of the file is lost, so is the lien. When the file comes into the possession of the new solicitor he/she may file a Notice of Change of Solicitor in the Central Office of the High Court. There is a stamp duty on the Notice of €22.00.

The solicitor then serves this on the solicitor of the opponent and proceeds with the litigation.

Legal Costs

Britain is about to go through one of its periodic episodes of legal dyspepsia. HERE is a report from the “Telegraph”. It suggests that the money to pay a successful party’s legal costs, following litigation, should, or may, be paid by the successful party from the compensation awarded in the litigation.

It must be borne in mind that the reporting of issues like this, in the UK or in Ireland, is always of a low quality. The journalists are invariably fully paid up members of some lobby group or other. The current dominant lobby group in the UK is the Conservative party, the principal party in the UK coalition Government.

Britain and Ireland have similar legal systems. “Similar” implies there are differences, and indeed there are. A very practical difference is the attenuated Irish system of State assistance for civil legal costs, compared with the UK system.

In Ireland, family law aside, there is, effectively, no State assistance to pay for civil legal costs. This means that an Irish resident must find the money to pay for lawyers from his or her own resources. Or, he or she must suffer a possible injustice in the absence of legal advice or representation.

It is worthwhile to contemplate what is meant by the phrase “legal advice”. In practice it might be the equivalent, metaphorically speaking, of a radio conversation from air traffic control to a lay passenger in an aircraft, guiding the passenger in the use of the controls and the method for bringing the aircraft to a safe landing on the runway. The chances of a crash are very high and if a pilot could be delivered to the aircraft it would be better.

Flying an aircraft is a learned skill. It costs money to learn the skill and to keep abreast of developments in aircraft design. In short, if the lives of passengers or the preservation of aircraft or property is a recognised goal it is necessary to make social arrangements to have a system that will produce pilots and pay them to land aircraft. Without that system it would be necessary to restrict or prohibit the use of aircraft.

On this view of matters, the UK favours the use of aircraft (meaning resort to legal principles and vindication of rights); Ireland restricts such use.

The UK, to encourage lawyers to work for plaintiffs who have insufficient funds to pay for personal injury litigation, introduced “conditional fee arrangements”. These are also known as “no win, no fee” agreements. If the plaintiff wins the action the unsuccessful defendant will pay the plaintiff’s lawyers. This alone was not a novelty; it is a principle (usually adhered to) that a losing litigant must indemnify the winning litigant against the winner’s legal costs of the litigation. This principle is intended to suppress unreasonable litigation. (It works, assuming litigants and lawyers are reasonable. Sometimes they are not.) In the UK this was implicitly seen as shifting a social burden (funding the vindication of rights) onto lawyers. For the lawyers this was a voluntary burden and they were only willing to take it up if they were paid for it. The pay was to be in the form of an enhanced fee if they were successful. This was seen as reasonable: they were carrying the costs of unsuccessful cases. The unsuccessful defendant, of course, paid the enhanced fee. This was seen as fair; the defendant could always limit his costs by not litigating. (As a practical matter, it can be always assumed a personal injury plaintiff has suffered a loss. It can also be assumed that the chosen defendant was very closely associated, at least, with that loss).

Ireland has established a very elaborate structure to facilitate some defendants who wish to limit their costs by not litigating; it set up the Personal Injuries Assessment Board. (“PIAB”). This also addresses a “social burden”. For the UK the social burden is the vindication of Plaintiffs’ rights; for Ireland it is the vindication of Defendants’ rights.

This judgment is broadly correct despite readily found exceptions. (Ireland expressly safeguards the rights of injured persons; the UK readily undermines their claims).

The legal system does not exist in a vacuum. It reflects society. It is pointless (and wrong) for a millionaire to sue a homeless person in a dispute about the ownership of a coat. Even if the millionaire is in the right, the cost of the litigation will outweigh the value of the coat. However, nobody (excepting the millionaire) would think it pointless, or wrong, for a homeless person to sue a millionaire about the ownership of a coat.

The UK, formerly, would facilitate a homeless person in those circumstances; Ireland did not and will not. The UK is now proposing that the coat be shared between the homeless person and his/her lawyers, to pay for the cost of the litigation. Now, the value of the coat will again determine whether there is to be a vindication of rights.

Real justice would recognise the inequality of arms in this struggle. The formal equality of litigants is often illusory. Lawyers know this and act accordingly.

So, we are back to the lawyers.

TO BE CONTINUED…

…and Finally Falling…

There is, in law, no such thing as a legal dead letter. That is, it is not open to the courts to refuse to implement a statutory provision, purely on the ground that it has fallen into disuse or has been forgotten.

There are, it seems, legal chicanes; if a law fails to get mentioned (or is mentioned) it falls. It is no longer law.

What of the Public Health (Ireland) Act of 1878 ((41 & 42 Vict.) c. 52)? It was recited in the First Schedule of the Statute Law Revision Act 2007 and was, consequently, retained as law in Ireland.

Previously. Section 54 of the Public Health (Ireland) Act 1878 was repealed by Section 6 of the Waste Management Act 1996 and the Fifth Schedule of that Act.

Before that, Section 54 of the Public Health (Ireland) Act 1878 was specifically brought into force in the County Health District of Dublin by the provisions of S.I. No. 310/1970.

Consequently, Section 54 of the Public Health (Ireland) Act 1878 appears to be still in force in [South Dublin County], [Fingal County] and [Rathdown County]. (County Dublin, excluding the City of Dublin).

The Public Health (Ireland) Act 1878 was the enabling provision for the Dublin Corporation Bye Laws of June1899 referred to HERE.

What happened, then, to those Bye Laws on the repeal of Section 54 of the Public Health (Ireland) Act 1878 in 1996?

They were, in the absence of any saving provision, implicitly revoked.

What alternative provision did Dublin City Council introduce? It had that power under Section 37 of the Local Government Act 1994.

Public Health (Ireland) Act 1878 – Sect 54

We referred to a Dublin Corporation Bye Law of 1899 requiring the clearing of snow from the footpaths of the City of Dublin.

Here is what Section 54 of the Public Health (Ireland) Act 1878 says on the subject:

“54. [Where the [district council] do not themselves undertake or contract for The cleansing of footways and pavements adjoining any premises, the removal of house refuse from any premises, the cleansing of earthclosets, privies, ashpits, and cesspools belonging to any premises, [A district council] may also, and when required by order of the Local Government Board shall, make byelaws for the prevention of nuisances arising from snow, filth, dust, ashes, and rubbish, and for the regulation of the keeping of animals on any premises, or for the prevention of such keeping, so as to be [prejudicial to health].”

This legislation clearly states that the snow is a nuisance. It is a public nuisance if it is on the public pavement. If it is not cleared off by the adjoining occupier, it is being maintained by him/her. Consequently the occupier is answerable for injury sustained by passersby who fall on the snow.

The Banks lied to NAMA?

If the banks lied to NAMA the lies would have been ineffectual. NAMA was mandated to buy loans from the banks above market value. Almost any “value” put on these “distressed assets” since the formation of NAMA would have been above market value.

This was calculated to assist the banks. After all, the banks discarded the loans and the incipient responsibility for the assets securing the loans. Instead, they had money or money’s worth.

What possible lie could a banker tell NAMA that NAMA and the Government had not already slipped over on the public?

Du.. Du.. Dubonnet!

Congratulations to Mr. Pearse Doherty.

In 2007 McGarr Solicitors represented Catherine Murphy and Finian McGrath in a High Court challenge (Murphy & Anor -v- Minister For Environment & Ors [2007] IEHC 185) to the failure of the Oireachtas to revise the constituency of Dublin West (among others) due to the increase of population since the previous election. On a revision, based on the latest Census of Population, Dublin West would have had an extra Dail seat.

The Defendants were the Minister for the Environment, Ireland and the Attorney General. Under the Constitution, the “real” culprit was the Oireachtas. The Court said;

“It is important to note, firstly, that the obligation is one on the Oireachtas rather than the Government.”

It is notorious that this view of the Oireachtas is seriously deficient, although Constitutionally correct. The Oireachtas is powerless without the active support of the Government. Failures of the Oireachtas are in fact failures of the Government.

Our plaintiffs, Catherine Murphy and Finian McGrath failed in their challenge to defend democratic principles; Pearse Doherty has not.

Leaving aside issues as to the differences in a failure to move a writ for a bye election and a failure to revise a constituency, were we asking for the wrong “order”?

A sometime television advertisement showed a customer in a crowded pub catching the attention of the barman by asking for a Du.. Du.. Dubonnet, and being heard.

No more pints of Guinness!

Neutered Persian cats

Lawyers discuss litigious business very often on “without prejudice” terms. By this they mean to have the contents of the conversation confidential between the parties. This applies particularly to the exclusion of a court. That is, no party may unilaterally disclose to the court what was discussed.

These conversations can have odd aspects; one lawyer (A) may wish to speak “without prejudice” and the other lawyer (B) may not share that desire, for the things that he/she has to say. B may speak expressly on those terms.

Are the banal, uncontroversial terms of B not to be disclosed to a court?

Irish judges, particularly in the lower courts, are not receptive to submissions that some or all elements of “without prejudice” discussions may be disclosed to the court.

In Oceanbulk Shipping & Trading SA v TMT Asia Limited and others [2010] UKSC 44 the UK Supreme Court examined a particular basis on which evidence of “without prejudice” discussions could be admitted. (To aid in the interpretation of an agreement between the parties).

The Court, in its judgment, referred to Investors Compensation Scheme v. West Bromwich Building Society [1997] UKHL 28; [1998] 1 All ER 98; [1998] 1 WLR 896, also a case turning on document interpretation. Here is a sample from it;

“Secondly, the parenthesis seemed very strange against the background of the law. If it was exhaustive, why was “sounding in rescission for undue influence” singled out? What about rescission on other grounds, or claims for breach of statutory or common law duty? It was rather like providing in a lease of a flat that the tenant should not keep “any pets (whether neutered Persian cats or otherwise).” Something seemed to have gone wrong.”

And again:

“The “rule” that words should be given their “natural and ordinary meaning” reflects the common sense proposition that we do not easily accept that people have made linguistic mistakes, particularly in formal documents. On the other hand, if one would nevertheless conclude from the background that something must have gone wrong with the language, the law does not require judges to attribute to the parties an intention which they plainly could not have had.”

By Irish standards this last point is hard to take. After all, we have the leader of our Executive addicted to the phrase, “…going forward”. His predecessor’s mode of expression was sufficiently eccentric, closed and personal as to be representative of a type; Bertiespeak.

Our politicians fall, consistently, into solecisms. (Our Minister for Justice etc. tells us persistently that he will appraise his ministerial colleagues; would that he did, and let us honestly know the outcome).

To cleave to the standards of the UK courts would lead to apoplexy. No, no; that’s too much.

That said, we should fight against a complete absence of standards.

Save the word “presently”; it does not mean “currently”.

Save the word “refute”; it does not mean “reject”.

Save the word “pleaded”; there is no word “pled”.